Parliament of Australia. Chapter One: Federation and the Geographies of Whiteness. Let us keep before us the noble idea of a white Australia—snow- white Australia if you will. Let it be pure and spotless. Chinese Arch Melbourne, 1. Australian Federation celebrations, National Library of Australia Picture Collection (nla. Taken on 7 May 1. December 2015 - Americas, the Pacific & the Polar Regions - Part 2 You can download the PDF file (text only) for this catalogue here: December 2015 - Americas, the. Gangster Original is The Untold True Story of a One-of-a-Kind Mulberry Street Mobster. A ground-breaking life and death account of a pure-bred genuine gangster. Hong Kong Independence Party - Part 2 (2015/04/09) (Ta Kung Pao) April 8, 2015. The disciples of Hong Kong independence instigator Wan Chin were accused of. Search the history of over 273 billion pages on the Internet. Federation street celebrations in Melbourne. Onlookers observe a carriage transporting Chinese dignitaries along a crowded Swanston Street festooned with flags, lanterns and other street decorations. The featured Chinese arch, comprising two pagoda- style tiered towers, had been recently erected to celebrate the arrival of the Duke and Duchess of York to Melbourne. The Chinese community had raised the funds to construct the arch and the residents of Little Bourke Street had donated the Chinese silks to decorate the arch’s timbers. On the day of the photograph, taken two days before the Duke of York opened the first Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia, the Chinese eagerly participated in the city- wide celebrations. A procession of Chinese standard- bearers, musicians and dancers weaved their way through the streets of Melbourne pursued by two traditional Chinese dragons. An article published in the Melbourne Argus, on the following day, offers an example of how Chinese participation in the parade was reported. The sense of antipathy and condescension which pervades the opening statements gives way to a sense of curiosity and fascination. The novelty of the dragon parade, the quality of the music and the . According to the description, the energy and artistry of the performers and the enthusiasm displayed for Federation celebrations stirred the interest and admiration of onlookers; so much so, that at the conclusion to the parade the spectators rose . Excellent summary of Islam – the “civilization” that extinguishes other. Doig Genealogy - John Doig and Christian Duncane / Margaret Craige of the Kingdom of Fife, Scotland and America, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and South Africa. Frequently asked questions about the transcontinental railroad. Central Pacific Railroad Photographic History Museum. You have found an item located in the Kentuckiana Digital Library. Paducah sun (Paducah, Ky. Tuesday, April 9, 1901. Paducah sun (Paducah, Ky. Eurasian Mixed Identities in the United States, China, and Hong Kong, 1842–1943 Emma Jinhua Teng (Author). Chapter One: Federation and the Geographies of Whiteness. Let us keep before us the noble idea of a white Australia—snow-white Australia if you will. The usage of the term . However, while the Chinese sought to position themselves within the civic . Australian citizenship was not legally defined until the Nationality and Citizenship Act of 1. Australian Citizenship Act. In most instances this entitled a person to all the rights and privileges, as well as the obligations, of a British- born subject. While naturalisations granted prior to Federation were valid under Commonwealth law, those Chinese who did not, or could not, become naturalised had no claim upon the state, and as such faced uncertain futures. Using this account of Chinese civic patriotism as a starting point, this chapter examines the debates associated with the passage of the Immigration Restriction Act of 1. It offers a counterpoint to Keith Windschuttle’s recent critique of the . The chapter suggests that the debate over the Immigration Restriction Bill was mediated by a pervasive and incontrovertible racism which had at its heart the assertion of white genetic and cultural superiority. This is demonstrated by exploring how the debate, which was governed by anxieties about racial intermingling, blood- mixing, contamination, and the dilution and degeneration of the white race, was committed to producing legislation which would maintain racial purity. Central to the argument is that during the Federation period whiteness operated as a cultural ideal critical to the formation of an Australian national identity. Through propagating fears about the loss of the white nation- self, the Parliament sought to transform whiteness into a normative national category; Federation sought to indigenise whiteness. Motivations for Federation. There were at least four motivations for Federation: removing the divisions that separated the colonies; creating unified immigration legislation that would restrict the entry of non- Europeans; the establishment of tariff barriers to protect Australian workers and manufacturers from foreign competition; and the creation of a nation that would provide the citizenry with the opportunity to enjoy the fruits of a democratic political life. While the protectionist platform extended from barring the entry of cheap manufactured goods to barring the entry of cheap labour, at the heart of the federalist movement was the intention to establish a new nation defined in racial terms. There was a determined sense that Federation presented an unparalleled nation building opportunity. The pervasive mood of optimism, the spirit of hope and nationalist ambition promoted many of the first parliamentarians to experiment with different social and political visions. When speaking to the Immigration Restriction Bill, parliamentarians commended to the people of Australia a vision of a progressive, young and pure nation defined in racial terms. The racial character of the new nation was deemed critical to preserving Australia’s British heritage and it was largely considered part of one’s patriotic or imperial duty to keep the nation snowy white. Commonly, the white nation, or anthropomorphised self, was represented as being threatened with imminent extinction, and as such, the legislation restricting the immigration of non- Europeans was considered . In the Upper House, the Free Trade Opposition had 1. Senate seats, the Protectionists 1. Labour 8. This prerequisite resulted in two parliamentarians inventing a British heritage: Labour Leader John Christian Watson was born Johan Cristian Tanck in Valparaiso, Chile. His father was a Chilean of German descent and his mother was Irish- born. To this day, Watson remains the only prime minister of Australia (2. April 1. 90. 4–1. August 1. 90. 4) who was neither English- born nor of Anglo- Celtic descent. The second non- British subject was American- born King O’Malley. O’Malley’s origin is uncertain but his biographer tentatively places his birth in Kansas, United States. The Bill was one of the first substantive pieces of legislation to be introduced to the new Commonwealth Parliament and was debated in the House of Representatives and the Senate from August to December 1. Possibly one of the most extensively debated pieces of legislation ever to come before the Parliament, it occupies 6. Hansard and more than half a million words. The debate explored the best method of exclusion and whether exclusion was best achieved through the introduction of an education or dictation test. The majority of parliamentarians advocated absolute exclusion; others supported the admission of small numbers of coloured labourers to work in the tropical regions of the north, while a minority argued for admitting a limited number of educated . Labour politicians, who were vociferous in their opposition to coloured labour, offered strong support to the Government. Dissent from the dominant position was extremely rare and when opposition was expressed it came from members of the Free Trade Party. It was widely considered that unified immigration legislation would provide, in Alfred Deakin’s terms, the . We find ourselves to- day, it may be said, with, at all events, a half- open door for all Asiatics and African peoples, through which entry is not difficult . It was for this reason that so much stress was laid on this issue, and it was for this reason that since the Government took office, no question has more frequently or more seriously occupied their attention, not only because of this one proposal before the House, but with regard to executive acts that have been and will be necessary. The Pacific Islanders Labourers Act 1. Pacific island labourers (or . The Post and Telegraph Act 1. Australian mail only employ white labour. Together these three acts formed a package of legislation to exclude, and if necessary remove, non- Europeans from Australia. Interpreting the Legacy of Immigration Restriction. In recent years there has been renewed debate over how historians have interpreted the legacy of the Immigration Restriction Act. In The White Australia Policy, Keith Windschuttle suggests the historical claims about the inherent racism of the policy have been exaggerated by a generation of historians too eager to please . Windschuttle suggests that such interpretations have been informed by a narrow, cultural orthodoxy and facilitated by a methodology which favours plucking a few lines out of Hansard and producing the most . Windschuttle argues that as a result of these politicised generalisations, we have become . Of almost equal concern was the politicians’ fear that the creation of a racially- based political underclass would inhibit Australia’s attempt to create an egalitarian democracy. Far from being fixed on . The debate against coloured labour was led by Labour leader Chris Watson, who offered forceful statements about the threat posed by the Chinese: We know that a few years ago business men—speaking by and large—looked upon the Chinese or other coloured undesirables as men who could be very well tolerated, because they took the place of labourers, of men who might be unreliable, or not quite so cheap, but when it was found that these Orientals possessed all the cunning and acumen necessary to fit them for conducting business affairs, and that their cheapness of living was carried into business matters as well as into ordinary labouring work, a marked alteration of opinion took place among business men, so far as the competition of the . Frequently, the labour movement identified the Chinese as the greatest threat to Australian work practices: their industriousness, their ability to live frugally and what was perceived as their . Vaiben Solomon, the importer with mining interests and former owner- editor of the Northern Territory Times, offered an alternative perspective on industriousness of coloured labour: My experience of these different races has shown me that it is not so much the vices or the uncleanliness of the Japanese, Chinese and the Malays that we have to fear, but rather their virtues, if I may put it so, their industry, their indomitable perseverance, their frugality, and their ability to compete against European labour. In speaking to this debate (the so- called .
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